The protocol means that INs remain in the EU internal market for products, so products from GB go through EU import procedures. A trade deal between Britain and the United States was at the forefront of his diary on commitments in the US capital, but also on Brexit, international agreements and violations of the law. The architects of the agreement spoke of the importance of power-sharing and the need to make Stormont work. And I strongly support these demands. But I would also like to ask – where were they when the legislation was not passed? The dissolution of equality under the Good Friday Agreement is increasing exponentially with Brexit. In the event of Brexit, Irish passport holders in Northern Ireland will have separate rights from those holding British passports. The proposed solution is to obtain an Irish passport. It is a tipping point in my own situation, an imposed citizenship. The idea that those who do not want to benefit from Irish citizenship face a loss of rights goes against the fibre of the agreement.
The agreement set the stage for a decentralised model of power-sharing in a new 108-member Northern Ireland assembly. Under its rules, no party would be able to control the assembly in order to resolve long-standing religious tensions between Protestants, who make up the majority of Northern Ireland`s population, and Catholics. Foreign Secretary Dominic Raab is trying in Washington to repair relations with pro-Irish Democrats, as he insists that Britain`s attempt to leave the EU on its own terms undermines the Good Friday peace deal. « Any trade agreement between the United States and Britain must be conditional on respecting the agreement and preventing the return of a hard border. Point. Through the broken reflection of the sky in the mirrors in « The Signing of Peace in the Hall of Mirrors » (1919), Catherine Marshall and Fintan O`Toole claim that Orpen implied « the fragility of the agreement. » The fragility has been compounded by the refusal of the US Senate to ratify it and by the US administration, which has distanced itself from most of its provisions. The treaty determined the winners and losers and blamed Germany for the conflict under Article 231, the « guilt clause. » It also imposed criling financial reparations for war, it lost significant parts of the territory, settlements and restrictions were imposed on its military capabilities. Over the next twenty years, his unpopularity was exploited by the German far right to finally destroy the fragile European peace of German democracy. Mr Campbell said the LCC`s support for the Good Friday agreement would be withdrawn « until our rights are restored from the agreement and the protocol is amended to ensure unhindered access to goods, services and citizens throughout the UK ». In a statement later, she said: « If the UK violates its international agreements and Brexit undermines the Good Friday agreement, there will be absolutely no chance that a trade deal between the US and Britain will go through Congress. » It has become even more controversial because one of its main objectives is to allow ministers to adopt regulations, even if they are contrary to the withdrawal agreement concluded with the EU under the protocol on Northern Ireland. However, it was not subordinate to the support of the agreement, but to a person who did not participate in future violence.
Pompeo said it was simply a matter for the British government, but « he had great confidence that they would do it in a way that would treat everyone fairly and result in a good result for the British people who voted for it a few years ago. » Neal told the New York Times that he had received Raab`s prior assurance of the Good Friday agreement, but that he had been blind to the recent proposed changes in the Withdrawal Agreement. In a joint statement, four senior congressional officials warned that the UK`s plans « could have disastrous consequences for the Good Friday Agreement and the broader peacekeeping process on the island of Ireland. » . . .